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LETTER 


ON THE 


PUBLIC SCHOOL SYSTEM 


NEW JERSEY, 




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LUCIUS Q, C. ELMER. 



1848 







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TO THE GOVERNOR OF NEW JERSEY. 


I have seen with much satisfaction, the sentiments recently ex- 
pressed, in your inaugural address, on the subject of education. 
The great importance of general education, in a republic like ours, 
is acknowledged by all ; and I think it is one of the most encoura- 
ging circumstances attending our general progress, that every year 
witnesses new efforts to extend its blessings and to perfect a system 
of public schools, free to all, and worthy the support of all. The 
experience of two centuries on this continent, seems to have confirm- 
ed the experience of many centuries in the old world, that the private 
efforts of the citizen cannot be safely relied on, to provide a compe- 
tent education for all the children in any community. Upon this 
point, there is a general concurrence of opinion. But whether the 
government ought to undertake this duty, or to what extent it may 
safely and advantageously interfere, are questions of great moment' 
upon which there is a great diversity of sentiment. 

You are aware that a large and influential denomination of Chris- 
tians ; or to speak more accurately, the ecclesiastical head of that 
denomination ; (and this If hope, is not a distinction without a differ- 
ence,) has come out in decided reprobation of the whole system of 
public schools, and commenced an effort to substitute, at least for the 
children under their influence, denominational or parochial schools, 
“in which the usual branches of a sound elementary education are 
taught; with the addition of daily religious instruction from the 
bible, under the superintendence of a Christian teacher.” And those 
who have promoted this movement declare, that there is a “growing 


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dissatisfaction of Christians in all parts of the country, with the whole 
plan of political supervision ; and that a general system of education 
that shall be a Christian system, appears to be a state impractica- 
bility.” 

These are certainly startling declarations. I suppose we are agreed 
in the opinion, that any system of education of which religious truth 
and duty do not constitute an essential and prominent feature, is of 
very doubtful utility, if not positively pernicious. If our citizens of 
good morals and true piety, or even a considerable proportion of such, 
must feel constrained by a paramount duty, to withdraw from the 
direction of our public schools, there will be great danger that they 
will prove a curse rather than a blessing. Being myself, at this time, 
one of the directors of a public school, established under the laws of 
this state, where an attempt is making, under most promising auspi- 
ces, to teach the usual branches of a sound elementary education, 
with the addition of daily religious instruction from the bible, under 
the superintendence of Christian teachers; and which is not only 
free to all denominations and descriptions of children of a suitable 
age, but the advantages of which are eagerly sought by all, from 
the children of our wealthiest to those of our poorest citizens ; I have 
felt constrained to inquire, whether I am really in the path of duty, 
and whether there is any serious danger that the hopes of good from 
this and similar schools must be wholly abandoned. I am happy to 
be able to say, that I am persuaded, there is no real incompatibility 
between a system of state schools, and the general introduction of 
sound religious instruction. 

To the system of denominational or parochial schools, it seems to 
me, that there are most serious, if not insuperable objections. This 
is not perhaps a suitable occasion, and I do not therefore propose to 
enter fully into an exposition of them. I may be permitted, how- 
ever, with most sincere respect for those who differ from me, to re- 
mark that its obvious tendency is, greatly to increase that most 
lamentable disposition, no where more prevalent than in our own 
country, to sectarian divisions. If it be the duty of Christians, as 
surely it is, “ to keep the unity of the spirit in the bond of peace 
shall they begin this work by carefully separating their children, 
through all the stages of their growth, from all who do not belong 
to the same communion or frequent the same church ? If it be now 


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true, as most unfortunately it is, that a vicious sentiment prevails, so 
that 11 schism becomes the condition of enjoying our own opinions ; 
and a peculiar opinion on almost any religious subject, is deemed 
more important than Christian union and incompatible with it what 
more calculated to foster and increase this sentiment, than to contract 
the instinctive sympathies of youth, into the exclusive circle of one 
denomination ? And what is to become of that large portion of our 
children, who upon this plan cannot be reached at all? What is to 
become of all those sections of our wide spread country, where no 
Christian sect has strength enough to maintain a separate school ? 
What is to become of those state funds, and state systems, which 
have been so long in forming, through the efforts of patriots and 
Christians, many of whom have gone to their rest? Are they to be 
abandoned to those who have no Christian principles, and therefore 
no Christian scruples ? Or are these state funds and systems, to be 
broken up and scattered, and all that has been gained, in many cases 
by long continued effort, totally lost ? Or ought even one denomina- 
tion of Christians, numbering among its members so many persons 
eminently qualified for directors and teachers and patrons of our 
public schools, isolate themselves from the great body of their fellow 
men, and direct all their efforts to the building up of a new and un- 
tried scheme ? I find it impossible myself to give a satisfactory an- 
swer to these questions, and must therefore respectfully submit them, 
to those they more particularly concern. 

That the task of so adjusting a system of schools, established by 
authority of law, and supported by taxation, as to afford sound reli- 
gious instruction, without interfering with the conscientious scruples, 
or at least the deep rooted prejudices, of the many sects prevailing 
among us, is exceedingly difficult, may be readily admitted. It is 
also true, that the disposition to get rid of these difficulties, by exclu- 
ding religious instruction altogether, combined with the hostility of 
some to religion itself, has manifested itself so strongly on many 
occasions, as to account for, and perhaps to excuse, the effort to adopt 
another plan. But the true question is, can more good be accom- 
plished by adhering to the system of public schools, the benefits of 
which have been found to be so great, than by abandoning it ? After 
all if this great question is looked at in all its aspects, cannot Chris- 
tians succeed in imparting religious instruction to vastly more of our 


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youth, through the means of public schools, than by any other plan 
yet tried or suggested ? My firm conviction is that they may, and 
that their united efforts ought to be directed to this object. 

How far the state should go, in the establishment and control of 
public schools, is a question of great importance, which does not 
appear to have received the attention it deserves. By many it has 
been taken for granted, that the government should not only con- 
tribute funds and afford the aid of its laws and taxes; but that it 
should regulate the kind of instruction to be given, either by direct 
rules prescribed by law, or through the intervention of state superin- 
tendents, state boards or state libraries. The attempt to do this, al- 
though productive of good in many respects, is liable to so great 
abuse, that I think it ought to be entirely abandoned. 

It has happily become an axiom, in this country, in regard to 
which there is almost entire unanimity, that religion needs no direct 
aid from the state. Its divine author has provided a safer and better 
mode of teaching it, by means of voluntary societies, dependent alone 
on his authority and aid. Were these societies also designed for, 
and fully competent to the task, of imparting to the young a compe- 
tent knowledge of letters and science, as well as of Christian faith 
and duty, it would be safe to leave that task solely to them. But this 
is not alleged; and experience has proved the contrary. Indeed it 
admits of great question whether the attempt to do it, even in an 
indirect and circuitous manner, is not a departure from their appro- 
priate sphere. The direct and sole object of the churches, is to teach 
religion. The direct object of schools is to teach letters and science. 
Religion, although an important and in my opinion essential part of 
what they ought to teach, is so only incidentally and because even 
the common branches of learning cannot be well taught, disunited 
from religion. Our churches need no government aid, because they 
succeed best without it. On the contrary schools, for the benefit of 
all, succeed best with such aid. Hitherto in the history of the world, 
no other plan has succeeded in imparting education so generally, as 
the schools in America, aided by state funds and supported in whole 
or in part, by public taxation. 

But because it is conceded that the state ought to establish and 
support schools, and that these schools ought to teach religious duties 
in conjunction with letters and science, it by no means follows, that 


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the state ought to prescribe the mode in which this duty shall be 
performed. The attempt to do it, either directly or indirectly, is in 
my opinion, to be greatly deprecated. Let this duty be left in the 
hands of the teachers and of those who employ them. They can 
perform it, with the best hope of doing it, in the main, well. All that 
is needful, is to leave them full liberty to do as their consciences dic- 
tate. For the reasons I have assigned, the state ought to do more 
for the schools, than it is its province to do for the churches ; but this 
difference ought not to go beyond the necessity of the case. The 
state always has been, and it is to be feared always will be, a bad 
teacher of religion ; and there is reason to doubt whether its capacity 
to teach letters and seience is any better. 

Probably few will be found to insist, under existingcircumstances, 
that the state should be called on to prescribe any particular course 
of religious instruction. The great difficulty of doing this, without 
interfering with the conscientious scruples of many worthy citizens, 
would probably prevent the attempt, even if there was no other hin- 
drance. Very many, however, seem to think, that to protect these 
scruples, the government should go to the other extreme, and abso- 
lutely prohibit religious instruction, in the public schools, of any kind. 
These persons forget that this will not less interfere with the con- 
sciences of those who believe that moral, should always accompany 
intellectual, culture, and that the bible contains the only true standard 
of morals. They forget too, that those of this belief, comprise the 
great body of the community. Although our constitution very pro- 
perly declares that there shall be no establishment of one religious 
sect, in preference to another, that no religious test shall be required, 
and that no person shall be denied the enjoyment of any civil right 
merely on account of his religious principles ; yet it does by no 
means proscribe religion. On the contrary it expressly recognizes a 
God and our accountability to him. Our laws all imply the same 
thing, and that the Christian religion, is the religion of most of the 
people. Upon this principle, the public business, as a general rule, 
ceases on Sunday ; and our legislative bodies invite Christian minis- 
ters to pray for a divine blessing on their labours. No direct pro- 
vision has been made I believe, for imparting religious instruction to 
the prisoners in the penitentiary, or to the lunatics in the asylum, but 
the managers of these institutions are left at liberty to permit it to be 


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done ; and in practice it is done to some extent. As these are ne- 
cessarily state institutions, confined to one locality, I see no reason 
why such religious instruction should not be specifically provided, 
as shall accord with the opinions of the majority ; but the same rea- 
son does not apply to schools. 

As our laws now are, the inhabitants of the different school dis- 
tricts in the state, have full liberty, through the trustees they choose, 
to regulate the public schools as they deem best; except the restric- 
tion contained in the eighth section of the school law, which requires 
teachers to be licensed in the manner there prescribed, a restriction 
by the way, of very doubtful utility. Happily the authority to license 
is vested in no state superintendent or state board, but in officers ap- 
pointed by the several counties and townships. This freedom from 
control by a central power of any kind, whatever advantages such 
control may seem to promise, I trust will be most scrupulously main- 
tained. The main object of the liberty I have taken in addressing 
to you this letter, is to insist upon this. Let Christians of all denomi- 
nations heartily unite in the great work, of imparting to our youth 
Christian instruction in our public schools, and let this great principle 
of leaving every district to perfect freedom, be steadily maintained, 
and I do not fear the result. It is all the freedom the case admits, 
and all it requires. Each district will thus be left, as in New Jersey 
it now is left, to be governed by the majority, and these districts may 
be of greater or less dimensions as circumstances require. In some 
cases probably, the majority will discard religious instruction alto- 
gether ; and in some what is taught will be grossly erroneous. But 
so it will be, on any plan that can be devised ; and in my opinion 
there will be far more erroneous teaching, and what is nearly equiv- 
alent, far more of no teaching at all, if public schools be wholly dis- 
carded. It will no doubt happen in some cases, that individuals will 
even be compelled to contribute to the support of schools, they can- 
not with a good conscience, allow their children to enter. But these 
cases will be few, and for the most part will admit of remedy, by 
special provisions. Such or similar difficulties beset every system of 
government. Taxes are constantly raised and applied by govern- 
ment to objects to which some of those who contribute, are most con- 
scientiously opposed. Difficulties of many kinds, there will be ; but 
such difficulties as need only prudent forbearance and the co-opera- 


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tion of all the wise and good among our different sects to be gener- 
ally overcome. Happily there is common ground, upon which the 
great majority, however they may differ on minor points, can cordi- 
ally unite. Mere sectarian dogmas must he discarded, and those 
great and essential doctrines, which lie at the foundation of all true 
religion and true morals, so taught as not to come in conflict with the 
peculiar opinions of any of the sects which comprise the large ma- 
jority of our community. Such doctrines, so taught, almost always 
commend themselves, even to those who profess no religion, and who 
by indiscreet measures, are often brought into open hostility to it. 
The small minority who cannot thus be satisfied, must be left free to 
promote their peculiar views in their own "way, wherever they are 
found in sufficient numbers to make it practicable. This is their 
right ; and if it were not, such conciliation would be far preferable 
to any attempt at coercion. No alteration of our laws, that shall 
materially abridge, or even seem to abridge, the freedom now enjoy- 
ed, ought, in my opinion, to prevail. If the state authorities could 
always be relied on, as themselves imbued with sound religious prin- 
ciples, I should deem this by far the wisest course. But unhappily 
this is not the case ; so that the importance of it is greatly enhanced- 
If there must be the control of a central power over our schools, let 
it not be a power in danger of being influenced far more by consid. 
erations of a political nature, than by such as are truly religious. 

Whether a Normal school for the education of teachers, can be 
safely established by the state, without endangering the principles I 
deem so important, I will not undertake to decide. The testimony 
is very strong, that such schools have been eminently useful in other 
states, and it may be so here. 

There is one restriction in our general school law, I have always 
deemed a fatal obstacle to its success. I allude to that strange pro- 
vision, which prohibits the inhabitants of a township from raising 
for schools by a tax, more than double the amount apportioned to it 
from the state fund. Without a special exemption from it, the school 
established here could never have been commenced. Upon what 
principle it is, that money to any amount may be raised and wasted 
on the highways, while the right to raise it for so important a pur- 
pose as the maintenance of good schools is so narrowly restricted, it 
is difficult to imagine. This restriction leads many to desire a great 


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increase of the state school fund. My opinion is, that the school 
fund is now large enough ; and should the time come, as it may, 
when the state may increase it by means of the railroad and canal 
they will have a right to purchase at cost, so as to enlarge it ten 
fold, I trust the temptation will be resisted. There is no principle of 
our nature more deeply rooted, than that what costs but little, is es- 
teemed but little. Let our citizens feel that they pay for their schools, 
and they will value their blessings more highly and guard their 
interests more carefully. Such an amount of direct taxation as will 
provide a good elementary education for every child in the state, will 
not be felt as a burden. 

Very respectfully, your fellow citizen, 
LUCIUS Q. C. ELMER. 

Bridgeton, February 1, 1848. 






LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 







